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PrimeXBT is a cutting-edge trading platform that bridges the gap between the cryptocurrency and traditional asset markets, providing a range of advanced tools and features for the optimization of the way its users trade and invest.
As well as this, PrimeXBT provides a safe and secure environment that is fully compliant with AML and KYC, and that uses advanced bank-grade security features in order to protect the funds of its users.
We're taking a look at the 5 best features of PrimeXBT in 2020, beginning with a look at what PrimeXBT actually is and the growth of PrimeXBT, before looking at the top 5 features that users at the platform enjoy.
What is PrimeXBT?
PrimeXBT is the world's leading multi-asset margin trading platform and after launching in 2018 with a waiting list of more than 150,000 traders, PrimeXBT has rapidly grown over the past 2 years to today managing up to $2 billion worth of global trade every day.
PrimeXBT's reputation is built around the provision of advanced tools and features that are unique throughout the market and that provide powerful opportunities for traders and investors to reduce the risk and to improve the outcomes of their trading activities.
PrimeXBT lists a wide range of cryptocurrencies and traditional assets, provides industry leading margin trading, and packs some of the most advanced security features used in the market into its platform as well.
The Growth of PrimeXBT
What Distinguishes PrimeXBT from Other Platforms?
While there are many trading platforms that provide margin trading in 2020, PrimeXBT provides a safer and more secure environment for cryptocurrency and traditional asset margin traders.
Unlike many other platforms which have been hacked over the past few years, PrimeXBT has a clean security track record and has never been hacked, protecting its users with advanced features.
As well as this, PrimeXBT is considered to be one of the most innovative trading platforms in the cryptocurrency industry, integrating a range of next generation tools and features into its services and providing new ways of trading and investing for the cryptocurrency market.
5 Best Features of PrimeXBT:
Lowest Fees of Any Major Crypto Platform
Since its launch, PrimeXBT has provided the lowest trading fees on the market with a flat rate of just 0.05% applied to all trades, irrespective of the size of the trade or the asset class being traded.
While some of the major trading platforms provide lower fees than the average, PrimeXBT's fees are significantly lower than any other platforms and up to 10 times lower than the most expensive platforms to use.
This has ensured that PrimeXBT’s traders and investors are able to minimize the cost of trading by using the platform, and to maximize the revenue that they generate in the market.
Powerful and Reliable Platform
PrimeXBT is a powerful and reliable platform that packs a range of professionally-engineered tools and technologies into its systems, ensuring that traders can engage with the market in the most effective way possible.
Perhaps the best example of this is PrimeXBT’s trading engine which is strong and robust and that can execute up to 12,000 trades per second with an average trade time of less than 7.02 ms.
By providing a combination of ensuring high liquidity on all trading pairs as well as providing powerful trading tools, PrimeXBT ensures that there is minimum slippage on the platform and optimal entry and exit points as well.
Covesting For Reduced Risk and Crypto Copy Trading
PrimeXBT provides access to the only form of copy trading available in the cryptocurrency space following the integration of covesting into its systems in a partnership with leading crypto copy trading platform, Covesting.io.
Covesting allows traders and investors to partner together and to collectively maximize their safety in the market while reducing risk and improving the collective outcomes in the process.
Covesting is a revolutionary new way for cryptocurrency traders to engage with the market and is one of the fastest growing trends in 2020.
AML/KYC Compliance for Safe Trading
PrimeXBT uses Bitfury Crystal's AML compliance software and blockchain monitoring tool set on all incoming transactions to the platform in order to ensure full AML compliance and safety for all users on PrimeXBT.
PrimeXBT also restricts citizens from problematic jurisdictions with users confirming their country of residence in order for KYC compliance throughout the platform to be achieved.
Using this system, Primax PT not only ensures that it is fully AML/KYC compliant, but also that it is able to monitor and manage transactions that may be fraudulent in real-time throughout the platform.
Widest Range of Assets in the Market
One of the major draw cards of using PrimeXBT is that it provides one of the widest ranges of different assets in the market with a range of leading cryptoassets as well as some of the world's top traditional assets as well.
PrimeXBT lists a range of cryptocurrencies that include BTC, ETH, XRP, LTC, and EOS, as well as a range of traditional assets like stock indices such as the S&P500 and FTSE100, forex pairs such as USD/EUR and AUD/CAD, and commodities such as gold and oil.
Traders and investors are able to use PrimeXBT as a bridge between the crypto assets and traditional asset markets, reducing the cost of trading between them, as well as dramatically increasing the efficiency of multi-asset trading in the process.
What is the Future of PrimeXBT?
In a very short amount of time of just 2 years, PrimeXBT has gone from launching with a waitlist of more than 150,000 traders to today managing up to $2 billion worth of global trade every day.
If the trajectory of growth for PrimeXBT continues it will no doubt see the platform expanding into a range of different areas of online financial trading, and will see the platform become one of the largest trading platforms to ever be in operation.
Over the past 2 years, PrimeXBT's reputation has only grown in strength and we would expect to see this continue as it integrates more safety and security features into its services and increases its compliance with AML and KYC globally.
PrimeXBT has grown to become one of the world's leading crypto trading platforms, and provides access to some of the world's leading cryptoassets as well as many of the world's leading traditional assets as well.
PrimeXBT has provided a range of different advantages to its uses, with these essentially boiling down to powerful opportunities for more success in global markets as well as increased security and safety in comparison to other platforms.
If you would like to learn more about PrimeXBT, and about the tools and features available on the site, check out this link.
How exactly did the British manage to diddle us and drain our wealth’ ? was the question that Basudev Chatterjee (later editor of a volume in the Towards Freedom project) had posed to me 50 years ago when we were fellow-students abroad.This is begging the question.
After decades of research I find that using India’s commodity export surplus as the measure and applying an interest rate of 5%, the total drain from 1765 to 1938, compounded up to 2016, comes to £9.2 trillion; since $4.86 exchanged for £1 those days, this sum equals about $45 trillion.This is completely meaningless. To understand why it's meaningless consider India's annual coconut exports. These are almost certainly a surplus but the surplus in trade is countered by the other country buying the product (indeed, by definition, trade surpluses contribute to the GDP of a nation which hardly plays into intuitive conceptualisations of drain).
She [Patnaik] consistently adopts statistical assumptions (such as compound interest at a rate of 5% per annum over centuries) that exaggerate the magnitude of the drainMoving on:
The exact mechanism of drain, or transfers from India to Britain was quite simple.Convenient.
Drain theory possessed the political merit of being easily grasped by a nation of peasants. [...] No other idea could arouse people than the thought that they were being taxed so that others in far off lands might live in comfort. [...] It was, therefore, inevitable that the drain theory became the main staple of nationalist political agitation during the Gandhian era.- Chandra et al. (1989)
The key factor was Britain’s control over our taxation revenues combined with control over India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its booming commodity export surplus with the world. Simply put, Britain used locally raised rupee tax revenues to pay for its net import of goods, a highly abnormal use of budgetary funds not seen in any sovereign country.The issue with figures like these is they all make certain methodological assumptions that are impossible to prove. From Roy in Frankema et al. (2019):
the "drain theory" of Indian poverty cannot be tested with evidence, for several reasons. First, it rests on the counterfactual that any money saved on account of factor payments abroad would translate into domestic investment, which can never be proved. Second, it rests on "the primitive notion that all payments to foreigners are "drain"", that is, on the assumption that these payments did not contribute to domestic national income to the equivalent extent (Kumar 1985, 384; see also Chaudhuri 1968). Again, this cannot be tested. [...] Fourth, while British officers serving India did receive salaries that were many times that of the average income in India, a paper using cross-country data shows that colonies with better paid officers were governed better (Jones 2013).Indeed, drain theory rests on some very weak foundations. This, in of itself, should be enough to dismiss any of the other figures that get thrown out. Nonetheless, I felt it would be a useful exercise to continue exploring Patnaik's take on drain theory.
The East India Company from 1765 onwards allocated every year up to one-third of Indian budgetary revenues net of collection costs, to buy a large volume of goods for direct import into Britain, far in excess of that country’s own needs.So what's going on here? Well Roy (2019) explains it better:
Colonial India ran an export surplus, which, together with foreign investment, was used to pay for services purchased from Britain. These payments included interest on public debt, salaries, and pensions paid to government offcers who had come from Britain, salaries of managers and engineers, guaranteed profts paid to railway companies, and repatriated business profts. How do we know that any of these payments involved paying too much? The answer is we do not.So what was really happening is the government was paying its workers for services (as well as guaranteeing profits - to promote investment - something the GoI does today Dalal (2019), and promoting business in India), and those workers were remitting some of that money to Britain. This is hardly a drain (unless, of course, Indian diaspora around the world today are "draining" it). In some cases, the remittances would take the form of goods (as described) see Chaudhuri (1983):
It is obvious that these debit items were financed through the export surplus on merchandise account, and later, when railway construction started on a large scale in India, through capital import. Until 1833 the East India Company followed a cumbersome method in remitting the annual home charges. This was to purchase export commodities in India out of revenue, which were then shipped to London and the proceeds from their sale handed over to the home treasury.While Roy's earlier point argues better paid officers governed better, it is honestly impossible to say what part of the repatriated export surplus was a drain, and what was not. However calling all of it a drain is definitely misguided.
she [Patnaik] consistently ignores research that would tend to cut the economic impact of the drain down to size, such as the work on the sources of investment during the industrial revolution (which shows that industrialisation was financed by the ploughed-back profits of industrialists) or the costs of empire school (which stresses the high price of imperial defence)
Since tropical goods were highly prized in other cold temperate countries which could never produce them, in effect these free goods represented international purchasing power for Britain which kept a part for its own use and re-exported the balance to other countries in Europe and North America against import of food grains, iron and other goods in which it was deficient.Re-exports necessarily adds value to goods when the goods are processed and when the goods are transported. The country with the largest navy at the time would presumably be in very good stead to do the latter.
The British historians Phyllis Deane and WA Cole presented an incorrect estimate of Britain’s 18th-19th century trade volume, by leaving out re-exports completely. I found that by 1800 Britain’s total trade was 62% higher than their estimate, on applying the correct definition of trade including re-exports, that is used by the United Nations and by all other international organisations.While interesting, and certainly expected for such an old book, re-exporting necessarily adds value to goods.
When the Crown took over from the Company, from 1861 a clever system was developed under which all of India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its fast-rising commodity export surplus with the world, was intercepted and appropriated by Britain. As before up to a third of India’s rising budgetary revenues was not spent domestically but was set aside as ‘expenditure abroad’.So, what does this mean? Britain appropriated all of India's earnings, and then spent a third of it aboard? Not exactly. She is describing home charges see Roy (2019) again:
Some of the expenditures on defense and administration were made in sterling and went out of the country. This payment by the government was known as the Home Charges. For example, interest payment on loans raised to finance construction of railways and irrigation works, pensions paid to retired officers, and purchase of stores, were payments in sterling. [...] almost all money that the government paid abroad corresponded to the purchase of a service from abroad. [...] The balance of payments system that emerged after 1800 was based on standard business principles. India bought something and paid for it. State revenues were used to pay for wages of people hired abroad, pay for interest on loans raised abroad, and repatriation of profits on foreign investments coming into India. These were legitimate market transactions.Indeed, if paying for what you buy is drain, then several billions of us are drained every day.
The Secretary of State for India in Council, based in London, invited foreign importers to deposit with him the payment (in gold, sterling and their own currencies) for their net imports from India, and these gold and forex payments disappeared into the yawning maw of the SoS’s account in the Bank of England.It should be noted that India having two heads was beneficial, and encouraged investment per Roy (2019):
The fact that the India Office in London managed a part of the monetary system made India creditworthy, stabilized its currency, and encouraged foreign savers to put money into railways and private enterprise in India. Current research on the history of public debt shows that stable and large colonies found it easier to borrow abroad than independent economies because the investors trusted the guarantee of the colonist powers.
Against India’s net foreign earnings he issued bills, termed Council bills (CBs), to an equivalent rupee value. The rate (between gold-linked sterling and silver rupee) at which the bills were issued, was carefully adjusted to the last farthing, so that foreigners would never find it more profitable to ship financial gold as payment directly to Indians, compared to using the CB route. Foreign importers then sent the CBs by post or by telegraph to the export houses in India, that via the exchange banks were paid out of the budgeted provision of sums under ‘expenditure abroad’, and the exporters in turn paid the producers (peasants and artisans) from whom they sourced the goods.Sunderland (2013) argues CBs had two main roles (and neither were part of a grand plot to keep gold out of India):
Council bills had two roles. They firstly promoted trade by handing the IO some control of the rate of exchange and allowing the exchange banks to remit funds to India and to hedge currency transaction risks. They also enabled the Indian government to transfer cash to England for the payment of its UK commitments.
The United Nations (1962) historical data for 1900 to 1960, show that for three decades up to 1928 (and very likely earlier too) India posted the second highest merchandise export surplus in the world, with USA in the first position. Not only were Indians deprived of every bit of the enormous international purchasing power they had earned over 175 years, even its rupee equivalent was not issued to them since not even the colonial government was credited with any part of India’s net gold and forex earnings against which it could issue rupees. The sleight-of-hand employed, namely ‘paying’ producers out of their own taxes, made India’s export surplus unrequited and constituted a tax-financed drain to the metropolis, as had been correctly pointed out by those highly insightful classical writers, Dadabhai Naoroji and RCDutt.It doesn't appear that others appreciate their insight Roy (2019):
K. N. Chaudhuri rightly calls such practice ‘confused’ economics ‘coloured by political feelings’.
Surplus budgets to effect such heavy tax-financed transfers had a severe employment–reducing and income-deflating effect: mass consumption was squeezed in order to release export goods. Per capita annual foodgrains absorption in British India declined from 210 kg. during the period 1904-09, to 157 kg. during 1937-41, and to only 137 kg by 1946.Dewey (1978) points out reliability issues with Indian agriculutural statistics, however this calorie decline persists to this day. Some of it is attributed to less food being consumed at home Smith (2015), a lower infectious disease burden Duh & Spears (2016) and diversified diets Vankatesh et al. (2016).
If even a part of its enormous foreign earnings had been credited to it and not entirely siphoned off, India could have imported modern technology to build up an industrial structure as Japan was doing.This is, unfortunately, impossible to prove. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication that India would've united (this is arguably more plausible than the given counterfactual1). Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been nuked in WW2, much like Japan. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been invaded by lizard people,
This article starts from the premise that while economic categories - the extent of commodity production, wage labour, monetarisation of the economy, etc - should be the basis for any analysis of the production relations of pre-British India, it is the nature of class struggles arising out of particular class alignments that finally gives the decisive twist to social change. Arguing on this premise, and analysing the available evidence, this article concludes that there was little potential for industrial revolution before the British arrived in India because, whatever might have been the character of economic categories of that period, the class relations had not sufficiently matured to develop productive forces and the required class struggle for a 'revolution' to take place.A view echoed in Raychaudhuri (1983):
Yet all of this did not amount to an economic situation comparable to that of western Europe on the eve of the industrial revolution. Her technology - in agriculture as well as manufacturers - had by and large been stagnant for centuries. [...] The weakness of the Indian economy in the mid-eighteenth century, as compared to pre-industrial Europe was not simply a matter of technology and commercial and industrial organization. No scientific or geographical revolution formed part of the eighteenth-century Indian's historical experience. [...] Spontaneous movement towards industrialisation is unlikely in such a situation.So now we've established India did not have industrial potential, was India similar to Japan just before the Meiji era? The answer, yet again, unsurprisingly, is no. Japan's economic situation was not comparable to India's, which allowed for Japan to finance its revolution. From Yasuba (1986):
All in all, the Japanese standard of living may not have been much below the English standard of living before industrialization, and both of them may have been considerably higher than the Indian standard of living. We can no longer say that Japan started from a pathetically low economic level and achieved a rapid or even "miraculous" economic growth. Japan's per capita income was almost as high as in Western Europe before industrialization, and it was possible for Japan to produce surplus in the Meiji Period to finance private and public capital formation.The circumstances that led to Meiji Japan were extremely unique. See Tomlinson (1985):
Most modern comparisons between India and Japan, written by either Indianists or Japanese specialists, stress instead that industrial growth in Meiji Japan was the product of unique features that were not reproducible elsewhere. [...] it is undoubtably true that Japan's progress to industrialization has been unique and unrepeatableSo there you have it. Unsubstantiated statistical assumptions, calling any number you can a drain & assuming a counterfactual for no good reason gets you this $45 trillion number. Hopefully that's enough to bury it in the ground.
Perhaps the single greatest and most enduring impact of British rule over India is that it created an Indian nation, in the modern political sense. After centuries of rule by different dynasties overparts of the Indian sub-continent, and after about 100 years of British rule, Indians ceased to be merely Bengalis, Maharashtrians,or Tamils, linguistically and culturally.or see Bryant 2000:
But then, it would be anachronistic to condemn eighteenth-century Indians, who served the British, as collaborators, when the notion of 'democratic' nationalism or of an Indian 'nation' did not then exist. [...] Indians who fought for them, differed from the Europeans in having a primary attachment to a non-belligerent religion, family and local chief, which was stronger than any identity they might have with a more remote prince or 'nation'.
While it's strength as a powerhouse may not be a shock, it may come as a surprise that the dollar is also the official currency of a host of U.S. territories and other sovereign nations around the world.
More than 65 countries peg their currencies to the U.S. dollar while five U.S. territories and seven sovereign countries use it as their official currency of exchange.
The table below provides an overview of the U.S. territories and independent sovereign nations that use the U.S. dollar as their official medium of exchange.
While it should be no surprise that the U.S. dollar is widely accepted for commerce in both Canada and Mexico, the U.S. dollar is also accepted in a host of tourist destinations including the Bahamas, Barbados, Bermuda, the Cayman Islands, Sint Maarten, St Kitts and Nevis, the ABC Islands of Aruba, Bonaire, Curacao, and the BES Islands including Bonaire, Sint Eustatius, and Saba-now collectively known as the Caribbean Netherlands.
The U.S. dollar is also used as a quasi-currency in a variety of popular U.S. retirement destinations such as Belize and Panama, and in some areas of Costa Rica.
People in the U.S. military can likely attest that the U.S. dollar is gaining widespread popularity throughout the Philippines.
INTROI've been investing in crypto for a few months now. I've certainly made some mistakes by applying trading strategies from my stock trading days to crypto, when crypto has a vastly different environment. One of the things I learned early on was how rampant and widespread stop-loss hunting is. This post is meant to give a brief explanation on what stop-loss hunting is, how to identify it, and how to avoid being hunted yourself. You may have heard that stop-hunting is not a big thing in the stock market or forex. This is true, but I assure you its very real in crypto.
Stop-loss hunting is the act of intentionally pushing the price down through a major support level to trigger stop-loss orders, creating a flash-crash which can then be used to buy coins on the cheap.It is incredibly easy to do with anything that has low volume at any point during the day, which is a vast majority of cryptos outside the top 15.
Scenario:Let's say you're a whale with a large amount of BTC and you have reason to believe there's some awesome news coming out for coin ABC which will generate a nice pump, so you have been accumulating this coin over the past week and are sitting on about 50BTC worth. The volume on the coin is currently very low and so you can't purchase any without driving up the price, which you don't want to do.
The setup:First you look at the price, order book, and volume, and note the following:
- It's currently trading at 105K satoshi.
- The order book is very thin - there's only about 6 BTC worth of buy orders between 105K and 100K
- There's only another 2BTC of buy orders just below 100K.
- anything below 95K you don't care about.
- You know that 100K is a major psychological level and there are bound to be stop-loss orders below it.
Time to go hunting and pick up some more coins for cheap!
In short, by selling 10BTC of your position for an average of 101K you created a short-lived 10% price collapse which you then took advantage of to buy up a bunch of cheap coins from stop-loss orders for an average of 99K. Not only do you now own 20BTC more of your coin, but you got them at a discount. Awesome for you, sucks for the poor holders who you hunted and now no longer have their coins.
- You place several market sell orders totaling 5 BTC, driving the price down to 101K.
- You then place some massive sell walls of 4-5BTC at 101.5BTC, hoping to trigger panic.
- If panic doesn't follow, you make a few more market sells and the price collapses down to 100K.
- A few more sells and you push the price to 99K.
- Now the fun begins. You have sold off about 10BTC of your 50BTC position, now sitting on 40BTC.
- Plenty of retail investors had their stop-losses placed at 99.5K, and their orders are triggered. They begin placing limit sell orders (without even knowing) and driving the price down further.
- The price has now collapsed to 96K, almost a 10% drop, in just a few minutes.
- There are now 30BTC of stop-loss orders for sale between 96K and 105K, and you buy them all.
- Price returns to the previous 105K and you now own 70BTC worth of coin ABC.
VisualWhat does stop-loss hunting look like on a graph? As you might expect, it looks like a massive spike down followed by significant bull action and a return to norm. Often whales do stop-loss hunting right before pumping it themselves, so you may even see stop-loss hunting followed by a huge run up.
Avoiding being HuntedHow do you prevent getting "hunted"? There are really two ways.
Use price alerts instead of stop-losses.By the time you get the alert and check the price, the hunt will probably be over. The downsides to this are that it requires a strong ability to remain unemotional - something most people don't have (and why people use stops in the first place). You still have to honor your mental stop-losses, you just also allow them a bit of time to ensure that the move was authentic. In trading circles you'll here this referred to as "letting the candle complete."
Place smarter stop-losses.As you can see from the previous graph, price fluctuations and volatility in this market is significant. The best way to do this is to look at the average order book size, calculate volume and how many sells it would take to crash the price a given amount, and ensure your stop-loss is below that. You should also place stop-losses away from major psychological levels, such as 100K satoshi or even 99K. Place them either higher (106K) or lower (94K) depending on the market.
I personally roll with option 1 (assuming I even have coins on an exchange, which is rare), but there's nothing wrong with either choice.
ConclusionI hope this has helped at least one or two people understand what stop-loss hunting is, why it's important, and how to avoid being "hunted" and having your coins stolen from you.
I also have suspicions that binance has bots that chase stop-loss orders.As an experiment I placed a stop about 5% below the current price on a coin and with only about 1BTC of buy orders between my stop and the price. Within 5 minutes my coins had been stopped out and the price had returned to its previous level.
TL/DRIf volume is low enough, a whale can push the price down through a major support and trigger your stop loss orders and then take your coins from you.
Other references - note, none are about crypto so some assumptions they make do not apply such as stop-hunting not being a thing in forex (it's definitely a thing in crypto).
Edit: some grammar and a few numbers which I fudged
- Investopedia - Stop Hunting Definition
- Investopedia - Stop Hunting With the Big Forex Players
- Where to set your stop losses to avoid being hunted
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